From the U.S. Dept. of Justice:
Myth: The NSA program is illegal.
Reality: The President’s authority to authorize the terrorist surveillance program is firmly based both in his constitutional authority as Commander-in-Chief, and in the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) passed by Congress after the September 11 attacks.
As Commander-in-Chief and Chief Executive, the President has legal authority under the Constitution to authorize the NSA terrorist surveillance program.
It has long been recognized that the President has inherent authority to conduct warrantless surveillance to gather foreign intelligence even in peacetime. Every federal appellate court to rule on the question has concluded that the President has this authority and that it is consistent with the Constitution.
Congress confirmed and supplemented the President’s constitutional authority to authorize this program when it passed the AUMF.
In its Hamdi decision, the Supreme Court ruled that the AUMF also authorizes the “fundamental incident[s] of waging war.” The history of warfare makes clear that electronic surveillance of the enemy is a fundamental incident to the use of military force.
Myth: The NSA program is a domestic eavesdropping program used to spy on innocent Americans.
Reality: The NSA program is narrowly focused, aimed only at international calls and targeted at al Qaeda and related groups. Safeguards are in place to protect the civil liberties of ordinary Americans.
The program only applies to communications where one party is located outside of the United States.
The NSA terrorist surveillance program described by the President is only focused on members of Al Qaeda and affiliated groups. Communications are only intercepted if there is a reasonable basis to believe that one party to the communication is a member of al Qaeda, affiliated with al Qaeda, or a member of an organization affiliated with al Qaeda.
Myth: The NSA activities violate the Fourth Amendment.
Reality: The NSA program is consistent with the Constitution’s protections of civil liberties, including the protections of the Fourth Amendment.
The Supreme Court has long held that the Fourth Amendment allows warrantless searches where “special needs, beyond the normal need for law enforcement,” exist. Foreign intelligence collection, especially in a time of war when catastrophic attacks have already been launched inside the United States, falls within the special needs context.
As the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court of Review has observed, the nature of the “emergency” posed by al Qaeda “takes the matter out of the realm of ordinary crime control.”
Myth: The Administration could have used FISA but simply chose not to.
Reality: In the war on terrorism, it is sometimes imperative to detect — reliably, immediately, and without delay — whether an al Qaeda member or affiliate is in contact with someone in the United States. FISA is an extremely valuable tool in the war on terrorism, but it was passed in 1978 and there have been tremendous advances in technology since then.
The NSA program is an “early warning system” with only one purpose: to detect and prevent the next attack on the United States from foreign agents hiding in our midst. It is a program with a military nature that requires speed and agility.
The FISA process, by design, moves more slowly. It requires numerous lawyers, the preparation of legal briefs, approval from a Cabinet-level officer, certification from the National Security Advisor or another Senate-confirmed officer, and finally, the approval of an Article III judge. This is a good process for traditional domestic foreign intelligence monitoring, but when even 24 hours can make the difference between success and failure in preventing a terrorist attack, a faster process is needed.
Myth: FISA has “emergency authorizations” to allow 72-hour surveillance without a court order that the Administration could easily utilize.
Reality: There is a serious misconception about so-called “emergency authorizations” under FISA, which allow 72 hours of surveillance without a court order. FISA requires the Attorney General to determine in advance that a FISA application for that particular intercept will be fully supported and will be approved by the court before an emergency authorization can be granted, and the review process itself can and does take precious time.
A typical FISA application involves a substantial process in its own right: The work of several lawyers; the preparation of a legal brief and supporting declarations; the approval of a Cabinet-level officer; a certification from the National Security Advisor, the Director of the FBI, or another designated Senate-confirmed officer; and, finally the approval of an Article III judge.
… the terrorist surveillance program operated by the NSA requires maximum speed and agility to achieve early warning, and even a very brief delay may make the difference between success and failure in detecting and preventing the next attack. [Italics added.]
You often hear people refer to FISA (the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, 50 U.S.C. §1801 et seq.) as a “check” on the president. That’s one way of looking at it. But another way of looking at it is to see the president’s insistence on his constitutional authority as a check on legislative encroachment of executive power. Or do “checks and balances” operate in only one direction?
I redacted here the Justice Department’s unpersuasive claim that the NSA’s surveillance program is consistent with FISA. I’ve read FISA; the NSA’s program is not consistent with it. This is why you hear liberals say the president is violating the law. But the answer to that is, “So what?” Congress may not by statute circumscribe the president’s constitutional powers.
Here’s an analogy. If you have gay sex in Texas, you’re in violation of §21.06 of the state’s penal code. Read it for yourself. But, according to the U.S. Supreme Court, that statute is violative of the Federal Constitution. The Texas Legislature has nevertheless declined to repeal §21.06. Question: is the statute good law?
We know the answer, don’t we? No legislative body may do what the Constitution does not permit. And if it does it anyway, we are liberty to ignore it.